The deceased US vice-president Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was regarded as one of the most powerful incumbents of that position in American history. Whereas numerous vice-presidents had to settle for marginal or ceremonial functions, Cheney held huge sway during the term of George W Bush, to the point that he was commonly called as the "real president".
Bush objected to that description and said the relationship was more complicated. He observed that Cheney was courteous, consistently addressing him in public settings as the President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush questioned even characterisations of their partnership as a team because it indicated that they were on equal footing. Despite these denials, Cheney considered the laidback president malleable on a broad range of governmental choices.
In charge of a contingent of neo-conservatives that included defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been taking part in a session at a educational institution in Florida. Whereas Bush made his way to a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney took command, directing the destruction of any non-communicating aircraft heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney said the strikes transformed him, making him become focused on retribution. Together with other conservative figures, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a occupation of Afghanistan in an attempt to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the military action of Iraq, although there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
He voiced no apologies about the military campaign, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis died, and not about the harsh treatment of suspects rounded up after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was based on faulty reports repeated by Cheney, was the correct course of action. "It was the right thing to do back then. I was convinced then and I maintain that stance today."
However even then, there were opposing views at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the White House's own representatives to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I observed, as a baseline," he later wrote "obvious failure, inaction, and recklessness: potentially, lying, ineptitude, and corruption."
Cheney was not solely accountable for the Iraq invasion. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for such action. He had composed a memo setting out situations in which national priorities might be compromised (including "obtaining crucial commodities, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the United States should be positioned to act independently when collective action cannot be arranged," particularly mentioning armed actions against Iraq.
Bush also had assumed the Oval Office generally inclined on carrying out what his father had notably declined to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Subsequent to he had been sacked by the administration, the finance chief Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his intention of lowering America's engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and suggested military action against Iraq.
Bush bore a private grievance against Saddam, believing he had been responsible for a conspiracy to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He also objected to that one of the largest hotels in Baghdad had a floor mural with a likeness of his predecessor's countenance that each person had to tread upon.
Yet it was Cheney who was one of the most vociferous advocating striking Iraq, repeatedly quoting intelligence reports that were either thin or entirely inaccurate. He backed what the Bush government indirectly described as "enhanced interrogation", the use of simulated drowning and physical pressure.
Answering a Senate analysis in 2014 that determined that no useful information had been obtained through the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the findings as "riddled with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to take steps and establish procedures to apprehend the individuals who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it never happened again. That is precisely what they did and they deserve a lot of praise."
Cheney took pleasure in nicknames given to him by detractors such as the dark character and the sinister presence, and by the concept that he was a sinister influence controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 volume about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Is it me who is the sinister strategist in the shadows that nobody ever sees leave his hole? It's a effective way to operate, actually."
Dispute over his business interests followed him during his tenure as vice-president. Even though he had limited background in business but good contacts in military, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas companies, in 1995 as chair and top executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's VP candidate for the presidency. Controversially, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was awarded US contracts totaling multiple billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his tenure at the company grew from his previous salary when he was military head to $4.4m. When he left in 2000 he had a compensation package valued at in excess of $20m|twenty
Alex Sterling is a tech enthusiast and lifestyle blogger with a passion for exploring the intersection of technology and daily living.